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John of Ephesus, Ecclesiastical History, Part 3 -- Book 3


[III.1] INASMUCH then as the events which took place at the commencement of the reign of the victorious king Justin II. have been sufficiently detailed by us in the previous part of our history; and that originally he was anxious to make unity, and mild and peaceable to the whole body of believers for the first six years of his reign, but then changed, and took part in a persecution carried on in a violent and uncanonical manner, of which in the two former books we have given a few details out of many; and inasmuch as we then gave a slight account, but covertly, of the chastisement which came down upon him from Heaven for his soul's benefit, and to abate the violence of the evils about to fall upon him, desisting from an exact detail, lest we should be thought to speak in scorn or derision of the high office of royalty, in venturing openly to describe and record the pitiable smiting justly inflicted upon him by God; but have been rebuked for this silence; we therefore now think it right briefly to record what took place, that those may fear who in future times shall be girt with high and princely power, and that the dread judgment of God upon king Justin may be recorded, and its remembrance engraven on the heart of all men for their admonition. |166 

[III. 2.] For the merciful God, Who willeth not the destruction of His creatures, and Whose providence watcheth over the lives of men, when He saw that king Justin was using his royal power for things excessive and alien to all piety, visited him with chastisement, lest when the measure of his sins was full, it should sink him in utter perdition. For He beheld him wickedly shedding the blood of innocent men, and given up to the plundering and reckless spoiling of their goods, unrestrained by the thought of the fear of God, and gathering and heaping up unrighteous wealth beyond what most of his predecessors had done : and finally, not content with stirring up God to anger by crimes such as these, he betook himself also to the persecution of Christians severely and pitilessly, and without natural mercy, levelling the altars of the orthodox in bitter wrath by the hands of the bishop John, and everywhere breaking down their churches, and seizing their priests and bishops, and oppressing them, and vexing them, and confining them in prisons, and guardhouses and monasteries, and in various cruel hospices, being men aged and weighed down, and infirm with years; so that many of them even fainted, and departed from this present life, being exhausted by the miseries and tortures of their bonds, and their strict and bitter and severe imprisonments. For many of his evil deeds have never even been mentioned by us, nor are we willing to record or bear witness of much of his conduct, so iniquitous was its character: but it |167 did not escape the justice of God, Who yet, because He was gracious unto him, that he might not utterly perish, but being rebuked, might be stopped in his wicked course, sent upon him, in the language of Scripture, 'indignation and wrath and tribulation.' [Rom, ii. 8.] And He sent it by means of an evil angel, who suddenly entered into him, and took his form, and domineered over him cruelly and fearfully, making him an example of the terribleness of their malice. For suddenly it destroyed his reason, and his mind was agitated and darkened, and his body given over both to secret and open tortures and cruel agonies, so that he even uttered the cries of various animals, and barked like a dog, and bleated like a goat; and then he would mew like a cat, and then again crow like a cock: and many such things were done by him, contrary to human reason, being the workings of the prince of darkness, to whom he had been given up, and who had darkened his understanding, and taken it captive, and who wrought in him every thing that he did.

At other times the evil spirit filled him with agitation and terror, so that he rushed about in furious haste from place to place, and crept, if he could, under the bed, and hid himself among the pillows; and then, when the horror came upon him, he would rush out with hot and violent speed, and run to the windows to throw himself down. And his attendants, in spite of their |168 respect for him as king, had to run after him, and lay hold of him, to prevent him from dashing himself down and being killed: and the queen was obliged to give orders for carpenters to come, and fix bars in the windows, and close them up on the whole of that side of the palace on which the king lived. Moreover they selected strong young men to act as his chamberlains and guard him; for when they were obliged, in the way I have described, to run after him and seize him, as he was a powerful man, he would turn upon them, and seize them with his teeth, and tear them: and two of them he bit so severely about the head, as seriously to injure them, and they were ill, and the report got about the city that the king had eaten two of his chamberlains. And sometimes, as was said, they had even to tie him up, while he screamed and howled, and uttered words without meaning: but if they said to him, The Bogle 1 is coming for you, he would be still in a moment, and run away, and hide himself; and any name which they mentioned was enough to frighten him, and make him run away, and be quiet, and creep under his bed. And there were other things more disgraceful than these, and more lawless, which were openly spoken of without fear by every one in the city. These few which we have here recorded we had upon the testimony of many: for they were the constant |169 subject of conversation. He continued then, not for a few days only, but for five years, thus tried and tortured: and our brief account of his state we have given upon the authority of others; for we were neither near, nor eyewitnesses of it; but the whole senate and city, natives as well as foreigners, bear witness to the truth and exactness of our details: and that much besides happened, too unseemly to be recorded in writing.

[III.3] In this disordered state of the king's intellect, those about him devised various kinds of amusements, both to divert his attention, and in the hope of restoring him to the use of his reason. The most successful of these was a little wagon, with a throne upon it for him to sit upon, and having placed him on it, his chamberlains drew him about, and ran with him backwards and forwards for a long time, while he, in delight and admiration at their speed, desisted from many of his absurdities. Another was an organ, which they kept almost constantly playing day and night near his chamber; and as long as he heard the sound of the tunes which it played he remained quiet, but occasionally even then a sudden horror would come upon him, and he would break out into cries, and be guilty of strange actions. For once, when the patriarch came to visit him, and drew near and made his obeisance, seeing that the king was agitated, he signed him with the sign of the cross; upon which he raised his hand, and struck him so heavy a blow on the head, that the patriarch reeled and fell on his |170 back a good distance from him, while the king exclaimed, 'An evil end be thine: go and sign thyself, that thy own devils may get out of thee.' The rest meanwhile took the bishop and raised him up; but it was some time before he returned to his senses, being stunned by the severity of the blow. At another time, as it was impossible for the patriarch not to pay the customary visits to the palace, upon his entering cautiously, and on his guard, the king, at the sight of him, fell into a fit of laughter, and jumping up, laid hands upon him, and took from his shoulder his mitre, which is the insignia of the episcopal office, and spread it out, and put it upon his head, like a woman's hood; and looking at it said, 'How well it becomes you now, my lord patriarch: only you should put on some gold lace, like the ribands which the ladies wear upon their heads.' At another time, standing at a window overlooking the seashore, he began to cry like those who go about hawking crockery, 'Who'll buy my pans?' And many other such things he did which it is impossible to relate, and which were wrought in him by the devil, to whom he was given up; and which were the common talk of every city and village, and house and street, and tavern, within and without Constantinople: and even upon the way all men talked of them with much wonder and astonishment.

[III.4] When then the king was chastised by this bitter humiliation and trial, many thought and spoke of it in different lights: and first of all his wife, |171 the queen Sophia, was not only not chastened or alarmed by the affliction and punishment which had overtaken her consort, but was rather elated, and said; 'The kingdom came through me, and it has come back to me: and as for him, he is chastised, and has fallen into this trial on my account, because he did not value me sufficiently, and vexed me.' Such, however, was not the general opinion; but she was considered as having spoken wickedly, as we shall shew in what we have afterwards to record. What, however, men generally did think, though they did not venture to express it, was, that God had inflicted upon him this visitation for three chief reasons; first, because of the innocent blood that he had shed ; next, because he had persecuted Christians, and had inflicted torments and miseries, and bonds and close imprisonments, and exile, upon priests and bishops, and the believers generally, both men and women; and thirdly, because of the manner in which he had plundered and spoiled men's goods, and not permitted orphans to inherit their fathers' property, so that the cry of orphans and widows rose up before the Lord, together with his other evil deeds; and therefore He was angry with him, and delivered up his kingdom to others, while he was yet alive, and saw it with his own eyes.

[III. 5.] When king Justin had continued in this state of trial and sickness, and oppressed with other evils, for a period of five years, and the sixth had begun, being thus chastised by the operation of |172 the devil, all business being neglected, and matters of state in confusion, and wars with the barbarians coming in quick succession in every quarter 2, the whole senate took counsel with the queen to make the God-loving Tiberius king, and appoint him as Caesar to conduct in Justin's stead all matters of state. And to this Justin himself consented; for there were intervals, though coming irregularly, when he recovered the use of his senses, and could converse upon matters connectedly. After a long consultation, therefore, with him, they chose and appointed Tiberius as Caesar, as for a long time he had been Justin's keeper, even before he had come to the crown. Upon Justin's summoning him, therefore, and solemnly investing him with the dress and insignia of royalty, an angel, as he himself acknowledged, appeared to him, and stood by him, and dictated in his ear the words with which he was to address Tiberius Caesar: and he began to speak unto him words of wonder and astonishment, as though his mind had never sustained any injury. For weeping, and with his words broken by tears and sobs, he said, 'O son Tiberius, come and take the kingdom of the wretched Justin, who has made God |173 angry, so that He has rejected him, and cast him out of his royal estate while still living. Come, my son, enter upon thy office, and displace him who has set his Creator at nought, that Creator Who gave him the kingdom, from which his own eyes now see him rejected and fallen.' And when he thus spake with a loud voice in the presence of the many thousands assembled there, all who heard his words broke out into bitter weeping and loud sobs; and especially when he turned round, and, waving his hand towards the soldiers posted there, said to them with a loud voice, 'Open, my children, your ranks, and let whoever will come in, and see the wretched Justin stripped and fallen from his kingdom, because he has provoked to anger and wrath that true and eternal King Whose empire passeth not away, and Who had bestowed upon him, unworthy as he was, the kingdom. And now, O Tiberius, let my fate be to thee a terror, and alarm, and trembling, before the Lord the eternal King, that thou beware of Him, and stir Him not up to anger by thy evil deeds, as I have done, by those deeds of mine, which have brought down upon me this severe and terrible chastisement. For lo! while I yet live, I am stripped and ejected from my kingdom, because I have acted iniquitously therein. Beware, lest this apparel and royal dress lead thee astray, as it has led me, and fill thee with pride and error and presumption, and bring upon thee the wrath of Heaven, as it has upon me, and thou too be stripped, and fall from thy kingdom, |174 as I this day. Look, my son, at him who stands by me, and whispers to me in my ear, and teaches me all those things which I speak unto thee, and teach thee, and command thee and admonish thee; and be thou sure and convinced, and aware within thyself, that what is now spoken to thee by me is not of me, but comes from this angel of God. And if thou, or any one besides, seest him not, behold he stands by me, and teaches me those things which I say unto thee, that thou mayest fear, and be afraid at the dread sentence of justice decreed against and inflicted upon me, as, lo! thou and all men see. For because I have not kept God's commandments, He now strips and ejects me from my kingdom, and delivers it unto thee. Look therefore on me, my son, and from my case take an example of terror and alarm for thy own heart, at the sentence which has gone out against me, and let it not be lifted up unto evil deeds, such as I have done, lest wrath be sent down also upon thee from Heaven, as it has now upon me, and thou too be cast out of thy kingdom. Beware, therefore, lest thou give way to wicked men, who will counsel thee unto evil, and lead thee astray as they have led me astray, until I have made God angry by all my doings.' These words, and many more to the same effect, but which we have omitted because of their too great length, were spoken by the king, in sorrow and tears, with a loud voice, in the presence of all men: while the illustrious Tiberius threw off his robe, and fell on his face to |175 the ground at the king's feet, and gave unrestrained way to his lamentation 3 with tears and sobs of bitter sorrow, in which the whole senate, and all who stood around joined, when they heard these things, and saw both him who was giving up the kingdom, and him who was summoned to receive it, the prey of such deep anguish. And when they took hold of Tiberius, and raised him from the ground, he fell again on his face with a loud wail. And at this, all the multitudes at once, with one cry of mighty suffering, and from their hearts, lamented with loud voice, nor could any one check or restrain his tears on hearing the words which the king, weeping at his humiliation, spake. And finally, he gave orders, and they raised Tiberius up, and again he addressed him in language broken by sobs: and then he invested him with the insignia and dress and emblems of royalty, and said, 'Henceforward be thy name called Constantine; for in thee shall the kingdom of the great Constantine be renewed.' The rest, want of space alone compels us to omit. The day of the appointment of Tiberius as Caesar was the seventh day of the earlier Conun, in the year eight hundred and eighty-six, on the day of the preparation, in the morning. (Friday, Dec. 7, A. D. 574.)

So firmly persuaded were all men that these words were not spoken by the king himself, but by an angel of God, that when at length pictures |176 were set up in honour of Tiberius and Justin, an angel was painted standing between them, and with his mouth at Justin's ear: and that the fact was really so, was firmly received by every one. The words themselves were taken down in shorthand 4 by many who were present, and at once committed to writing; for there were numerous scribes present taking notes: but their full and exact recital would exceed our limits.

[III. 6.] Justin survived the appointment of Tiberius as Caesar for four years, and hopes were long entertained of his recovery, chiefly because of the recurrence of lucid intervals, during which he could be propped up in his chair, and shown to the people, and even taken to the entertainments of the Hippodrome in the morning: and sometimes he was sufficiently well to give audience, and receive the salutations of the senate. Sometimes also he distributed largesses to the people, for which purpose they put money into his hand, which he scattered, with the help of his attendants, who guided his arms: but then he would again relapse into his former imbecility, to which were added other trials, especially the painful disease of strangury: so that upon the whole his health constantly declined.

During this period the affairs of state were entirely directed by the God-loving Caesar, especially the wars with the barbarians and the Persians; |177 but whenever Justin was capable of it, he took counsel with him; and if he spake any thing sensibly, it was done. But as time passed on, their hopes of his recovery were disappointed, and his maladies rather grew more and more aggravated, till his pain was such, that he often called,out, and besought them to bring a sword and kill him; for death, he would say, is better for me than a life of such anguish and agony: and at other times he would bid them throw open the gates of the palace, that all who wished might enter, and see the king asking for death, and desiring it rather than life, and death denied him. And when afterwards the pain of the strangury increased, and he was tortured by stones. which obstructed the bladder, and physicians came to cut them away, they requested him, after the usual cowardly manner of physicians, to take the lancet into his hand, and give it them 5: and he in answer begged them to shew him no mercy, but let him depart from life : and said, 'Fear not: even if I die, no harm shall happen unto you.' A deep incision was then made in both his groins, and the whole operation so barbarously performed, that he was put to extreme torture: nevertheless, in the midst of his cries, he said, with a loud voice, 'Just are thy judgments, O God; for all the sins and wickednesses which I committed with my body are |178 openly requited in Thy anger upon the members whereby I wrought them.' His death was now certain; and being fully aware of it, he sent for the Caesar, and charged him, and admonished him in many words, saying, 'I, my son, am dying : go now, take the royal crown, but be on thy guard, that thou be not guilty of sin, and provoke God to anger: and consult for the good of the kingdom of the Romans.' Accordingly, Tiberius received the crown on Monday the twenty-sixth of September, in the year eight hundred and ninety (A. D. 578); after which, Justin survived for nine days, and departed from this world on the fourth day of October that same year.

[III. 7.] After the death of Justin, the queen Sophia continued to dwell with Tiberius in the palace, and he showed her the greatest honour, 'though she being in honour understood it not,' [Ps. xlix. 20.] as Scripture says. For before they made him Caesar, they had required from him an agreement confirmed by solemn oaths, that in case of the king's death, the Caesar should pay every honour to Sophia, and not do her any evil. And this he scrupulously observed, and on the king's death took her to dwell with him in the palace, saying unto her, 'You are my mother: dwell here, and command me whatever you wish.' When, however, he requested permission for his wife to come and dwell with him, she was displeased, and refused her consent. For even during Justin's life, he had said to her, 'Let the Caesar's wife come and dwell with him: for he is a young man, and the flesh |179 is hard to rule:' but she had answered him with scorn ; 'Fool, do you wish me to make myself as great a simpleton as yourself? you! who have invested your slave with the insignia of sovereignty!' And then she vowed with oaths, 'I, as long as I live, will never give my kingdom and my crown to another, nor shall another enter here as long as I am alive.' The idea therefore was given up, and during the four years which elapsed between the appointment of Tiberius as Caesar and Justin's death, the Caesar's wife was never suffered to enter the palace, and her husband was compelled, on bringing her to Constantinople, to give her and his two daughters the house of Hormisdas as a residence, as it was situated just below the palace. And constantly he went down and spent his evenings with them, and returned early in the morning to the palace. And it is said, that proposals were made to him, both through another person and through the patriarch, that he should put away his wife, and marry either Sophia herself or her daughter, who was also then a widow. But he was very indignant on hearing their proposal, and said, according to the current rumour, 'Will it please God, as well as you, for me to leave my wife, by whom I have had three children, and who took me to share all she had when I had nothing? and now that God has raised me to power, am I to leave her and take another?' And thus he refused to listen to their words, and commit this iniquity. 

[III. 8.] The name of the Caesar's wife was Ino, and she |180 had previously been married to a Roman who held some military office at a place called Daphnudii Castra 6, and to whom she bore a daughter and this daughter they betrothed to Tiberius, while he was still a civilian and a Roman merely. Soon after the betrothal, the father died, and as the damsel did not long survive him, the mother remained a widow and childless. And Tiberius, as the will of Providence apparently had ordained, took the maiden's mother to wife, and had by her three children. And when he sent for her, and made her dwell in the palace of Hormisdas, she was in constant terror, considering her life in danger: and as long as she remained there, no one ventured to visit her. For the wives of the senators met to consider it, but were afraid to go and make their obeisance: and, finally, they asked Sophia, whether it was her command that they should pay their respects |181 to the Caesar's wife? fearing lest otherwise they should incur blame. But she scolded them sharply, and gave them an angry answer, saying, 'Go, and be quiet: it is no business of yours.' And as no one ventured to oppose her, the Caesar's wife made her escape, and fled from the city back to Daphnudium; and when she fell ill there, the Caesar was obliged to go backwards and forwards to see her.

Upon the death however of Justin after having invested Tiberius with the royal crown, as we have mentioned above, when Tiberius made the request that his wife might be sent for, to share the crown with him, though Sophia was by no means pleased, yet it was impossible for her to offer any opposition. Accordingly the commander of the praetorian guard, accompanied by a large number of men of senatorial rank, with numerous row-boats, and a great retinue, set out to fetch her: and starting with great pomp, they arrived at Daphnudium, and informed her of the purpose of their visit; upon which she answered, 'Come in the morning, and we will start immediately.' Upon receiving this reply, they prepared to remain there for the night, and a temporary abode having been erected for them, they entered it, and lodged there. But her real purpose, was very different: for having sent immediately for one of her boatmen, she said, 'Go and get a boat ready; for I wish to send forward an answer by you, without any one knowing it.' And at midnight, when the |182 boat was ready, she took her two children, and one boatman only, and went on board with them by herself, without any companion, and started for the capital, leaving it to others to say to the commander and his retinue, 'Do not linger here; she whom ye want was at the city before sunrise.' On being informed of this, they were greatly annoyed, and returned to the city, ashamed at having to come back without bringing her. She meanwhile on her arrival was conducted immediately to the palace, and the patriarch met her there, and the whole senate and the king, and invested her in the robes and other insignia of royalty. And from the palace she proceeded in a covered litter to the church, attended by the senate and her chamberlains, while the blue and green factions stood prepared each to greet her, the blue naming her Anastasia, while the green shouted Helena; and so fiercely did they contend with rival shouts for the honour of naming her, that a great and terrible riot ensued, and all the people were in confusion. She meanwhile entered the church, and made adoration, and returned to the palace as queen 7. |183 

Of the civil events which followed, our historian says that their narration does not fall within his province; nor indeed did the preceding account, which however he recorded, because the affairs of state are closely connected with those of the church; and because there was a change of rulers; and, lastly, because the knowledge of these events may lead men to give God the glory.

[III. 10.] The queen Sophia, after the death of king Justin, set on foot plots without number against king Tiberius, who was now also styled Constantine, in bitter malice and wicked violence, being indignant at seeing him and his wife resident in the palace, and invested with the royal authority; and herself now in her lifetime  |184 deprived of her kingdom, in which she had conducted herself neither justly nor in the fear of God; nor had she, when trial and chastisement fell upon her hushand, been warned thereby, or sorrowed, or understood that she also ought to fear God, and be admonished, and become as one of the just; but was like one of those to whom the words of the Apostle belong, that 'because of the hardness of thy unrepentant heart, thou storest up for thyself a treasure of wrath, for the day of wrath and revelation of the just judgment of God, Who shall render unto every man according to his deeds.' [Rom. ii. 5.] And truly in her case these words were fulfilled : for because, through the hardness of her heart and her proud imaginations, she would not repent, nor fear God; she also was deprived of her royal state, though she had declared with oaths, that 'as long as she lived, she would never give her kingdom to another.' Without her consent, therefore, the kingdom was taken away from her, and given to another, and she was set aside.

They say, moreover, that when her husband's death was certain, she had several hundred pounds' weight of gold removed from the palace, and placed in a house of her own: how many they were, we will not attempt to write, because we do not know the exact truth about the matter; but the number mentioned was very large: and with them she also took other royal property besides. And when these doings reached the king's ears, he would not have her sent away |185 from the palace, but said to her, 'Dwell here, and be content, as my mother: and whatever you command, we will do.' Accordingly she dwelt in the palace, but was bitter, and vexed, and out of temper, and full of grief and lamentation at her present state, to think that she was humiliated, and reduced in rank, and deserted by all men, and in her lifetime had become like one dead.

[III. 11.] At the commencement of Tiberius' reign as Caesar, he began distributing presents lavishly to all men, so that when going to prayers, or wherever it might be, to the right hand or the left, money was scattered about on all sides as his hypatia 8: and even at sea, as he was rowed along, boats gathered round him from every quarter, and he threw them all money. This lavishness, however, displeased Justin and Sophia, and they scolded him sharply for it, and finally took from him the keys of the treasury, |186 and set apart a fixed sum of money for his disposal ; and so restrained him from such lavish and incessant gifts. When, however, he became king, and the power was his alone, and, as the story goes, saw with his own eyes the piles of money which Justin and Sophia had gathered, he began again spending and dispersing it largely and widely: and when, at the commencement of his reign, he was distributing his Augustaticum, or, as it is also called, 'the Donative of the Romans,' and which was never higher in ordinary circumstances than nine darics, he sent to the army in the field against the Persians no less than eight hundred pounds' weight of gold as largess. And, as though it was his object to scatter his gifts more bountifully than any one of his predecessors had done, he commanded the whole of the scholastics, or jurists, who formed a very numerous profession, to come to the palace, and made presents to them all, beginning with fifteen and twenty darics, and giving to those of lower rank ten or twelve. Soon after, he bade the physicians come, and gave liberally to them all. And next came the silversmiths, and then the bankers: and what they received depended upon what came into his mind; but if it so chanced, he would give them a pound of gold, or fifty or sixty darics apiece. And then there were the officers of the staff 9, and the decani, and the troops generally. And all had |187 their share: for Tiberius said, 'What good is all this gold hoarded up here, while the whole world is choked with hunger?' And thus he spent and squandered without stint: finally, however, he held in his hand, both discontinuing his donations, and not permitting any one to have access to him for such purposes.

[III. 12]. When the God-loving Caesar was importuned every day by John the patriarch about the 'Diacrinomeni 10,' as the orthodox are called, he one day said, 'Upon your oath in God, tell me, if they are heretics or not.' And he, hypocrite though he was, yet would not venture on oath to tell a lie, but answered, saying, 'In truth they are not heretics.' 'Are they then believers?' 'Yes, thoroughly believers: but they will have nothing to do with us and the church; and will not communicate with us.' Upon which he said, 'If, as you testify, they are believers and Christians, why do you urge me to be like Diocletian, a persecutor of Christians? Go and sit quiet: we have enough to do with the wars with the barbarians: do not also bring upon us wars with our own people.'  |188

[III. 13.] At a subsequent time, nevertheless, Tiberius was compelled to give way to the popular thirst for persecution, from the following circumstances :

When, a few days before the death of Justin, he was solemnly invested with the crown, he immediately proceeded in state to the great church of Constantinople to pray: and the whole populace, together with the strangers Avho were there beyond numbering, assembled from every part of the city to see him; but after the usual shouts in his honour, they began to cry, 'Out with the bones of the Arians: out with the bones of all heretics, and of the heathens too: may the faith of the Christians flourish!' These seditious cries greatly annoyed him; but he said nothing at the time, being occupied in prayer, and after making the customary offerings upon his succession to the crown, he returned to the palace. On arriving there, however, he gave orders that the ringleaders should be sought for, and immediately arrested : for he considered that their cries had reference to and were levelled at himself, as though he were in secret an Arian: and in their private thoughts many had a suspicion of this kind from the following occurrence: A short time before, a large body of Goths had been despatched to fight against the Persians; and their wives, who were left behind, requested Tiberius to assign them a church, in which they might worship according to their views, which were Arian. And he, that  |189 he might not annoy them, bade them return, and said, 'We will see the patriarch, and talk the matter over with him.' And from this the story was buzzed about throughout the whole city, before he obtained the crown, that the Caesar was an Arian. And for this reason, those who had charge of the churches assembled, and shouted in the manner described. When then they were arrested, and brought into his presence, he received them very angrily, and said, 'What have ye seen in me like the Arians, that ye have treated me with contumely, and followed me with cries about the Arians?' Nor was it until they had made many apologies that they obtained their release. This occurrence led however to his publishing an edict, which was fixed up in the city, to the effect, that the Arians should be arrested, and the Manichaeans and Samosatenians. And hence, as was sure to be the case, numbers were arrested and imprisoned by men who had no other object than openly and without fear to pillage those who had wherewith to bribe them: and large sums were given by many to purchase their freedom. And in this manner many of the orthodox suffered, being arrested, and kept a long time in close confinement: and money was demanded of them, and when they had paid it they were set free.

[III. 14.] It is possible that this occurrence may also have made Tiberius more lavish in his largesses: at all events, according to what was said both by himself and others, in the first year after he |190 became sole monarch, he spent in this way no less than seven thousand two hundred pounds' weight of gold, besides silver, and dresses of silk 11, and other things. He confined his benefits, however, to the rich and well fed, and did nothing to benefit the poor. And when Sophia was angry with him, and scolded him, and said, 'All that we by great industry and care have gathered and stored up, you are scattering to the winds as with a fan;' he said to her, 'What you collected by iniquity and plunder and rapine, I am doing my best that not a fragment of it may remain in my palace.' Even before this, he had ordered the remission of one-fourth part of the taxes in all parts of his dominions: and further, directly he became emperor, he annulled a tax of four darics, which king Justin had levied upon each right of obtaining a loaf at the public distributions of bread 12, instituted by |191 Constantine, and which they were then collecting; and returned the money to all such as had already paid their quota.

Another work of mercy he had done immediately upon his appointment as Caesar : for Jus-tin had levied upon all ships and merchants a payment equal to the value of one flagon upon each cask of wine: and this was every where |192 exacted so sharply that it brought in many talents. When, however, a petition upon the subject was presented to Tiberius, he immediately remitted it. And these things he did at the very commencement of his reign : and what was its character subsequently shall be shewn hereafter. And further he also made a public profession of being a Christian; for Justin had introduced in the coinage of his darics a female figure 13, which was generally compared to Venus, and this Tiberius discontinued, and had a cross struck upon the reverse of his coins: and this act, as he himself said, was dictated to him in a vision.

[III. 15.] To return, however, to the persecution commanded against heresies upon the occasion referred to above; not only those against whom it was directed suffered from it, but also the orthodox congregations were swept along by its violence, as by the rush of a mighty stream. And first of all they fell upon John, surnamed Superintendent of the heathen, and bishop of Ephesus, but who had now been for many years a resident at Constantinople, and having seized him and his companions, they cast them into a prison called the chancery, regardless of the many imprisonments and repeated banishments |193 which he had now been called upon for many years to endure: The season, moreover, added to the severity of their sufferings: for it was Christmas, and the prison was in such bad repair that the water ran down at the corners, and after rain the drip continued for two or three days, owing to the ruinous state of the roof, so that they were, in a manner, cast into a pool, and were obliged constantly to stand up and exert themselves in baling out the water. They were glad, moreover, to throw themselves upon mattresses used to bury the dead in, because they had no other place where to lay their heads. And to all this annoyance was added, that twice every day they were attacked by bishops and metropolitans and church lawyers sent to examine them. And when the grace of God which was with them, so sustained them that they did not give way, but fearlessly contended with great freedom of speech for the truth of the orthodox faith, their dyophysite persecutors, being beaten in argument, made use of insults and threats. And this continued for eighteen days, during every one of which there were meetings of syncelli and oeconomi 14 and other clergy, and also of |194 laymen, to debate with them: and while Tiberius was scattering his largesses, they lay in prison. But when nothing could prevail upon John to yield to the patriarch's will even in words, sentence was finally given that he must quit the city: whereupon he was led out of the prison with his friends, rejoicing and praising God that they had been counted worthy again to suffer for His name's sake. For Eutychius had even sent and torn away from John an easy chair on which he used to sit because of the gout in his feet. And much besides he had to suffer, but has contented himself with recording a few facts out of many.

[III.16] The day after John had been let out of prison, a troop of persecutors,—or rather perhaps they might fittingly be called a band of robbers,—assembled and attacked the church of the orthodox situated in the extensive palace called the Marianum. It was Sunday, and the congregation were engaged in worship when they entered and arrested many of them : and going, like heathens, to the altar, they lifted it up, and overturned it, and broke it, and poured out upon the ground the consecrated wine, and scattered the eucharistic bread; and after destroying and spreading ruin throughout the church, and tearing down the pictures of the blessed Severus and Theodosius, they dragged off the clergy who were ministering there and many of the laity, and carrying them, as in mockery, head foremost, took them to the common prison, and confined them in the same |195 ward-house in which John himself had lately been shut up. The majority of them, however, after pillaging them of every thing that fell into their hands, they let go; and the rest, a few days after, Eutychius caused to be brought into his presence, and subjected to a long examination, at the close of which, in the evening, he set them free. But when at length the merciful king heard of these things, he rebuked the patriarch, and somewhat restrained his impetuosity.

[III.17] As regards Eutychius himself, when, after John's death, he was invited to return to his see, people spread abroad the report that he was a righteous man, and had the power of working miracles, and seeing visions: and he was even weak enough to imagine this of himself. When, however, upon his restoration, no legal inquiry was made into his deposition by his predecessor, but he mounted his throne in the cathedral church without even the act of excommunication issued against him being annulled, many withdrew themselves from his communion as being a man excommunicate and formally deposed by the late patriarch; and also because having retaliated by excommunicating his rival, he now accepted his ordination and every thing he had done as valid, without any inquiry or examination being held. And besides this, there was also a second cause of offence to the church, in that when shortly afterwards he had heard of some persons who were infected by the erroneous doctrine of John Grammaticus of Alexandria, |196 who, as we have mentioned in the preceding book, held that the present bodies of men do not arise at the resurrection, but others in their stead; Eutychius was perverted by it, and greedily swallowed it, and undertook the defence of those who do away with the resurrection, and argued that the case is so, that this body does not rise, but another is formed, and takes its place. Upon this, several of his suffragans and leading clergy and others reasoned with him, but only confirmed him in his belief, and he even composed a treatise in its defence, and had several copies of it made, which he distributed among the ladies of the court, that they might read it, and be taught his views. And many other similar absurdities were committed by him in word and deed, so that people began to regard him as a simpleton, who was out of his mind. But really, as was only too manifest subsequently, an evil spirit vexed and troubled him, so that on two several occasions, as he was standing at the altar in the great church, it tore him in the presence of the whole congregation, and they hastily put him into a litter, and carried him out. And once again in the church of the blessed mother of God in Chalcoprateia 15; and often, as men said, in his palace it threw |197 him on the ground. His friends, who were anxious to throw a veil over it, said, that from long fasting and watching, the humour was stirred up, and got into his head, and there congealed, and produced vertigo, and made him fall; and that he had not a devil. But many, in answer to this, said, 'Does humour tear a person, and convulse him, and make him foam, and roll upon the ground ?' And besides, all his acts soon made it plain to every body that his mind was troubled and darkened by an evil spirit; for his words often were quite beside the purpose, and he would break out into unseemly fits of laughter, and other similar follies. He also wrote a book entirely from beginning to end in defence of the doctrine of the two natures remaining after the union, and in it he found fault with all the fathers, who had not blasphemously taught like himself a quaternity in the place of the holy Trinity. And this book also he circulated among private houses, that they might learn it; but all who read it only laughed and derided him, regarding him as a simpleton, who was not right in his mind : and, in fact, the common rumour throughout the city was, 'Verily, this man, whom they described as working signs and miracles, is quite bereft of common sense.' [III.18] The real cause of these absurdities was |198 Eutychius's pride : for upon his restoration to the throne of the church of the royal city, on finding himself firmly established there, and the object at first of general praise, and further received with the utmost honour by the merciful king Tiberius, he was immediately so puffed up with arrogance and vanity, as not to know his position, and say things superfluous and unmeaning, which led to his being talked about and ridiculed as wanting in good sense. And it was this which led to his publishing the large book referred to upon the two natures, by which he only called attention to his infatuation; and what was worse, he began sending copies to the houses of the chief men, and required ladies of senatorial rank, and their husbands, especially if previously opposed to this doctrine, to read his arguments, and assent to them, and own that for certain the two natures did remain distinct after the union: and any one who did not own this was a heretic, he said, and follower of Eutyches. But the only effect was, that even his own side ridiculed him, and sent him back his books.

[III.19] Furthermore, this proud and haughty Eutychius shewed his zeal against the phrase, 'That wast crucified for us,' introduced into the Trishagion, and threatened and disputed with every one who ventured to use it. Now there were at Constantinople certain famous and princely convents of ladies who had fled from Antioch at the commencement of the persecution, and from that time had dwelt in various parts of the capital, |199 and who, according to the custom and tradition of the East, used to say in their services, 'Thou that wast crucified for us, have mercy upon us.' And on this account Eutychius paid them a visit in person, attended by his clergy, and began explaining to them, and teaching them the impropriety of the expression: and threatened them with punishment unless they discontinued it. And whereas in the days of the victorious Justin, in the persecution which he authorized against both them and every body else, some of these nunneries had conformed to the council of Chalcedon, and some had resisted to the last, they now unanimously all assembled, and determined firmly to resist this innovation, saying, 'We have gone far enough, in having at your compulsion changed and corrupted our faith: but to deny our God, Who was crucified and suffered and died for us, is a thing we will never assent to, spite of sword and cross and fire.' And as they all with one voice warmly and decidedly exclaimed and protested to this effect, the clergy, seeing the firmness and determined zeal which made them utter these things to the patriarch's face, said to him, 'Come, my lord, we must go: it is time for service:' and so he arose and departed, without at all effecting his purpose. And finally, he wrote a long treatise, full of instruction and flattery and threats, and sent, it to them: but they paid no heed to it, saying, 'We are but women, and know nothing about controversy: but from the tradition of the Oriental Fathers we will never depart as long as |200 we live.' The story was soon told about the city, and thence reached the palace, and the ears of Tiberius; and as the whole attempt met with his and general disapproval, the zeal of Eutychius cooled down, and he kept quiet.

[III.20] In the fourth year after the restoration of Eutycliius to his see, he set his face against the orthodox in bitter malice, sending his emissaries to seize and plunder and imprison, overturning everywhere their altars, and tearing down their pictures, and plundering by open robbery everything they could lay hands on, such as altar furniture, and vestments, and carpets, and books and cushions, and, in short, everything there was wherever they went. They seized moreover upon men's persons, with the view of extracting money: and throwing even priests and bishops into prison, they kept them there in bitter misery as long as they liked, until they had wrung every thing from them. And those who had nothing were compelled to borrow, and give it ; and though thus they were set free, and came out of prison, it was in poverty, as they had saved nothing whatsoever from their former pillaging : but those who had no means of obtaining money were banished, or sent to various monasteries for imprisonment, and were treated there with much severity. And the excellent Eutychius used to go to the merciful Tiberius, and accuse the whole body of the believers, wickedly and unrestrained by the fear of God. And while all the heretics, such as Arians, and Macedonians, and |201 Samosatenians, to whom he himself belonged, and Manichaeans, and Marcionites, and the followers of Manes, dwell every where in peace, with no one to trouble them, the true believers alone were persecuted and spoiled, and sent into exile, to distant cities and various islands far away in the sea, and delivered over to every kind of misery in heavy bonds and close imprisonments, and hunger and thirst, and trials of every kind; so that if the grace of God had not visited them, and strengthened them, [Mat. xxiv.22] "no flesh of them could have lived," according to what Scripture says of the distress which is foretold as about to be at the end.

[III.21] In permitting this persecution, Tiberius was but partially to be blamed. For he was occupied entirely with the dangerous wars which surrounded him on every side; and when the bishop Eutychius daily visited him, and incited him against the 'distinguishers,' he at length answered, 'Trouble me about such things no more: I have as much as I can do with the wars I am engaged in: you must act in church matters according to what you think right at your own risk. Look to it yourself. I am free from guilt in this matter.' Thus left to himself, the patriarch, without fear of God or the king, widened and aggravated a persecution the sole object of which was plunder, and not anything connected with the faith. And to extend it to every land, and induce men to persecute after his example, he even deigned to write himself to all the |202 provinces and chief towns, urging them everywhere to commence a sharp persecution against the distinguishers as he had himself done: and as they were themselves ready enough to do it for the sake of the plunder and spoil of men's property, and the open robbery permitted on pretence of the faith, they set a persecution on foot, in company with his creatures and others, in every province and in all directions, while the victorious king was so occupied with the trying wars which surrounded him, that he could afford neither the time nor attention necessary for examination and inquiry into these things.

[III.22] Be this then known to all men, who in time to come shall fall in with these narratives, that in thus writing we adhere strictly to the exact truth ; and although we profess ourselves the opponents of the excellent patriarch Eutychius, yet even so, we have not departed from the truth even in one point out of a hundred, nor have we recorded these things through any desire to bring reproach and scorn upon him. And equally so with respect to his serene majesty, we have neither spoken nor written any thing with the view of flattering him, but have endeavoured in all things to be the advocates of truth. And yet when the king Tiberius was but a youth, and his cheeks undarkened by a beard, we both of us, together with the rest of the court, were constantly in one another's company, in attendance upon his late majesty Justin ; and owing to this, I have long had the fullest knowledge of his |203 manner of life and conduct. And now that he has been thought worthy of being elevated to his present royal dignity, we assure all those who are not eyewitnesses of it, that he continues to practise the same frankness and humility as of old, without being changed or filled with pride, as so young a man might be by the possession of royal power. Nor will he permit any one to be put to death, or plundered of his property, as was the practice of his predecessor, who stained himself and his hands with innocent blood : but up to this present time, which is the third year of his reign, [A.D.581] besides the four during which he was Caesar, he conducts himself with nobleness and humility, although many find fault with him as being too quiet and humble, and inspiring no fear; but in spite of their representations, he still continues his gentleness of demeanour up to this present time.

[III.23] While king Tiberius, or, as he is also called, Constantine, was Caesar only, and Justin occupied the palace 16, scanty apartments were assigned for his use in one of the wings: and even after Justin's death, as Sophia gave no signs of changing her residence, and he was unwilling to dispossess her, and she would not permit him to reside with her, he was in great difficulties, as the space |204 allotted him had always been of the narrowest description, and now that he was sole master, and had been joined by his wife and two daughters, was altogether inadequate to his wants. As he would not therefore oppose or annoy queen Sophia, by taking up his residence in the palace itself, he was compelled to remodel the whole of the northern side, and erect large and spacious buildings; for which purpose he was not only obliged to take down the extensive edifices already existing there, but also to sacrifice a beautiful garden, which had existed in the interior of the palace, and been a great pleasure to former kings. Upon its site magnificent and splendid buildings were erected, including a noble bath, and spacious stabling for his horses, and other necessary offices.

[III.24] Justin had also busied himself in building, even when engaged in persecution, and the troubling of the church, and in plunder and pillage; and when too the dread punishment was sent down upon him : but in this also there had been evident signs of the wrath of Heaven resting upon him. For having formed the idea of erecting a palace upon the site of his former dwelling in the north-western suburb of the city, he razed a great number of houses there to the ground, and built a hippodrome, and laid out extensive gardens and pleasure-grounds, which he planted with trees of all kinds: and gave orders also for the erection of two magnificent statues of brass in honour of |205 himself and Sophia 17. But scarcely had they been set up, before a violent storm of wind occurred, which overturned them, and they were found deeply imbedded head foremost in the ground. And this was regarded by men as a sign of wrath and impending ruin. But Justin, nothing discouraged, next determined upon building a pharos, that is, a tall and lofty pillar, whence to enjoy the view: and this he commenced in the eastern part of the city on the seashore, in what is called the Zeuxippus 18. Within it a vaulted stair was constructed, so broad and strong that the workmen could mount up it with loads of massive hewn stone; which were cramped together with bars of iron, and strongly cemented with lead. And when it had reached a great height, and was all but completed, some of the city wits |206 wrote a doggrel inscription, and fixed it up on a tablet there, as follows:

Build, build aloft thy pillar,
And raise it vast and high;
Then mount and stand upon it,
Soaring proudly in the sky :
Eastward, south, and north, and westward,
Wherever thou shalt gaze,
Nought thou'lt see but desolations,
The work of thy own days.

Before its completion, however, Justin died, and it is said that the question who should finish it led to a quarrel between Tiberius and Sophia : for she bade him undertake it; but he said, 'I shall do nothing of the sort; for it is your duty to finish it.' And she, supposing that at all events he would complete it, if his own statue were placed upon it, said, 'If you will not finish it in honour of him who began it, do so for yourself:' at which he was angry, and vowed that his statue should stand neither upon it nor any where else. Subsequently, when he saw that the huge blocks of stone employed in it would be useful for his new buildings in the palace, he had it entirely taken down, and the stones removed thither, and to the church he was building close by, dedicated to the 'forty martyrs:' and it supplied him with materials for a long time. This folly was said to have cost Justin many talents of gold. |207 

[III.25.] The merciful Tiberius during the whole time he was Caesar in Justin's lifetime, because of the king himself having fallen a prey to various maladies, was entirely occupied with the wars which surrounded him on all sides: for, besides the struggle with the Persians, he was constantly threatened in every direction by those other barbarian tribes which had risen up against the powerful empire of the Romans: and after the death of Justin, they pressed upon him with still greater violence, especially the accursed tribes of the Slavonians, and those who, from their long hair, are called Avars. For after he became sole ruler, they gave him neither rest nor breathing-time, but constantly wars and rumours of war multiplied around him: so that many, both of the chiefs and the commonalty, used to express their sorrow for him, and say, 'Verily the kingdom has fallen to his lot in a time of trial and in evil days; for day and night he is anxious, and full of care how best he can gather troops from every quarter, and send them to maintain these incessant wars.'

[III.26] It was this necessity which compelled Tiberius to enlist under his banners a barbarian people from the west, called Goths, and who were followers of the doctrine of the wicked Arius. And on their departure for Persia, leaving their wives and children at Constantinople, they asked the king to set apart and assign for their use a church, in which during their absence their families who remained behind might assemble for |208 worship. And the king, anxious to content them, and considering that they were labouring to the best of their ability in defence of the Roman realm, and fighting with its enemies, said, 'We will see to it, and talk the matter over with the patriarch.' And from this promise and answer, which he gave them to satisfy them for the moment, without granting at once their request, it was supposed by everybody, and said, that the king was an Arian, and held the same doctrine as those who had made the request, only that he concealed his opinion. When then, according to custom, he went to the high church, the crowds shouted, 'Out with the bones of the Arians: dig from their graves the bones of the Arians.' And when Tiberius heard these cries, he knew that they were directed against himself, and was much disturbed; and on his return to the palace, he sent and arrested many of them, and said to them, 'What see in me like an Arian, that ye have followed me with cries, and have insulted me in the church?' And when they had apologized, being in great fear of the consequences, with the view of clearing himself from the supposition, he gave orders that the Arians should be persecuted. And having thus obtained the opportunity, the ruffians in the church, on pretence of the edict, rushed like so many wolves, not only upon those to whom the commandment applied, such as the followers of Manes, the Macedonians, the Samosatenians, and others, but upon those to whom it did not apply, and confounded the |209 orthodox with them, and fell upon all alike, and plundered without distinction, until their doings reached the king's ears, and he rebuked them, and sharply threatened them, unless they immediately discontinued such conduct.

In the second year of Tiberius' reign, A. D. 579, the news reached the capital that the wicked heathens at Baalbec, otherwise called Heliopolis, who were professed worshippers of Satan, were plotting whenever they could find an opportunity to destroy and wipe out the very remembrance of the Christians in that town, who were few and poor, while they all were in the constant enjoyment of wealth and dignity. They indulged moreover in scoffs at Christ, and all who believed in him, and had already ventured upon many acts of open violence. Upon the news reaching Tiberius, he intrusted the matter to an officer who had already a short time before been sent to the East by Justin, upon the occasion of a revolt and disturbance created by the Jews and Samaritans in Palestine: and who on his arrival there had effectually reduced them to order, exterminating some and crucifying others, and destroying their property, and compelling them, by the severity of his measures, to submission. On receiving the king's commands, this officer, whose name was Theophilus, proceeded at once from Palestine to Heliopolis, and having arrested numerous heathens, recompensed them as their audacity deserved, humbling them and |210 crucifying them, and slaying them with the sword. And on being put to the torture, and required to give the names of those who were guilty like themselves of heathenish error, they mentioned numerous persons in every district and city in their land, and in almost every town in the East, but especially at Antioch the Great. Of most of these he was contented with sending the names to the magistrates of the place where they resided, with orders that they should be arrested immediately, and sent to him : but Theophilus despatched one of his own attendants to secure the person of Rufinus, whom they had mentioned as holding the office of high-priest at Antioch. On the officer's arrival, however, he found that Rufinus was not there, but had lately gone on a visit to Anatolius, the governor and procurator of Edessa. Having demanded therefore the services of a magistrate to escort him, and of a bishop to conduct the examination; as soon as they were granted him, with an officer of the church court, he started for Edessa, in the hope of arresting Rufinus there.

[III.28] On their arrival they learned that he was dwelling there, and having waited for night, upon surrounding the house in order to arrest him, they found a feast of Zeus actually being celebrated by the heathens, and people assembled together with Rufinus to offer sacrifices. On becoming aware, however, that they were endeavouring to surround the house, those present took the alarm, and fled. But Rufinus knowing well that |211 he had no place of refuge to which he could escape, drew his knife, and smote it into his heart, and having given himself also a wound in the abdomen, fell down dead. There was, however, a gouty old man, too feeble to flee, and an old woman, whom on entering they found still present, with the dying body of Rufinus stretched upon the ground, and surrounded by the preparations for sacrifice. Upon them therefore they laid hands, and threatened them with instant death, unless they truly declared the names of all who had taken part in these proceedings; but if they would make a full confession, they promised that no harm should happen to them. And they being in terror of death, told all their names, and among them was the governor and procurator, Anatolius. He meanwhile had contrived a subtil way of escape, which however proved of no avail: for hastily wrapping himself in his travelling coat, as if just come from a distant journey, and putting on his leathern leggings and walking shoes, he went to the bishop's house. And he on hearing that the governor was come, was in a great state of terror, and said, 'Why has the governor come hither at this unseasonable hour?' But being admitted, he said, 'I have come hither straight from my journey, that I might be satisfied about a certain text. For I have had a dispute about such and such a passage of Scripture, and am in doubt as to its right explanation: and therefore I have |212 paid you a visit before going to the government house, that you may explain it to me.' But this he only did in subtilty, that he might have the bishop to bear witness, that he had called upon him fresh from a journey; and in case they were to say that he had been that night in the company of those who offered the sacrifice, he trusted that this trick would set the matter right. But, as the Scripture says, 'The Lord is a Lord of knowledge: and artful ways shall not be established before Him:' [i Sam. ii.3.] so this man's artifices did not stand. For just as he left the bishop's presence, those who had been sent to arrest him met him, and laid hands upon him, and said, 'Come peaceably with us, my lord governor: we are greatly in need of your highness: give orders for bailsmen to be put in for you at a talent apiece, that within ten days you appear at An-tioch.' But he in answer began to explain to them, and say, ' I have but just entered the city from a journey, as the bishop will bear testimony.' But they replied, ' It is no use playing us tricks, my lord governor. This very night you have been with Rufinus and the rest of your people, and have offered sacrifice to Zeus; and the witnesses are all ready to prove it.' And When upon this he threatened them with his power, and said, 'You are putting a stop to all matters of state;' they replied, 'Threaten us not, my lord governor: as your highness is a living man, you will not get away from hence without |213 giving us bail.' And now finding that he had no choice, nor probability of escape, he consented, and gave bail, and set out immediately with them and their other prisoners for Antioch.

[III.29] On their arrival at Antioch, and the depositions taken at Edessa concerning the heathens found there being read over, both Anatolius and his secretary, whose name was Theodore, were arrested and put to the question: and at first they had recourse to falsehood, but finally the secretary, after being tortured and severely scourged, declared his willingness to confess every thing : and, as was said, they deposed that both Gregory, the patriarch of Antioch, and Etilogius, who was subsequently patriarch of Alexandria, had been present with them at the sacrifice of a boy, held by night at Daphne: and scarcely, said they, had they completed the sacrifice, before the whole city suddenly trembled and shook, with earthquake. No sooner was this confession heard, than the whole population was filled with horror and amazement, and various cries were raised, and the cathedral closed, while Gregory could not venture to leave his palace, nor could the liturgy be celebrated, nor the consecration of the holy chrism, as is usual on Thursday in Passion week. The full account, however, of what took place, and the cries raised, we must be excused from recording; but, as was said by all men, the depositions were sent to the king, and the affair became the subject of general conversation: but finally, it was thought, |214 that for the honour of Christianity, and that the priesthood might not be exposed to scorn and blasphemy, the matter must be hushed up.

As for Anatolius, having set up in his house a picture of our Lord, in the hope of making people erroneously suppose that he was a Christian, he invited a number of persons to come and see it. But as he was shewing it, the picture turned hindside foremost with its face to the wall, so that astonishment fell upon all who witnessed it. Anatolius, however, turned it back again, and put it right; but suddenly, a second time, it turned round; and again a third time. And upon this they examined it closely, and found skilfully introduced into the back a likeness of Apollo, so carefully done as not to be visible without looking closely at it. Horrified at the sight, the archers threw him on the ground, and kicked him, and dragged him by the hair to the Praetorium, where they declared all that had happened: and, as was said, finding escape impossible, he also made a full deposition of every thing.

His notary, Theodore, who had made the deposition respecting the bishops, and the rest, being kept in prison, subsequently, as we shall shew hereafter, died there, and it was the general belief that really he was murdered, in order that his deposition might be got out of the way: but to the truth of this we will not bear testimony, nor have we space for much besides which happened. |215 

[III.30] When, however, the news arrived at the capital, accompanied by the depositions of what had taken place at Antioch, the whole city, together with the merciful king and the senate, were moved, an,d struck with consternation and astonishment, and nothing else was talked of in all parts of the city. And on the arrival of the prisoners, a court was appointed, consisting of magistrates and jurists, to try them, and examine into the truth of the matter, upon oath that they would shew no partiality nor respect of persons. Accordingly they held their sittings in the royal palace of Placidia, but their proceedings were secret, and although a few facts transpired, it was in spite of their own efforts to conceal them. And after some time, men generally were convinced that bribery was permitted, and prevailed over the truth: and while there were known to be in the city many followers of heathenism, the people considered that the court acquitted whom they chose, such, that is, as gave money, and whom they chose they unjustly condemned; and that the quest for the heathen was carelessly and corruptly carried on : and the more so as the king was indifferent to it, and had gone out to one of his country palaces, and what was done was kept secret from all eyes.

[III.31] There was, therefore, much murmuring and complaint because the matter was, as they considered, put out of the way and dropped by the influence of gold, and was coming to an end, and nullified, and even such heathens as were |216 arrested set free ; and the dissatisfaction proceeded so far, that at length crowds began suddenly to gather in the heart of the city, and give utterance to their indignation in cries, such as, ' Out with the bones of the dicasts !' 'Out with the bones of the heathens!' 'The faith of the Christians for ever!' 'Out with the bones of the dicasts!' meaning by them the judges appointed to try the heathens, and who, they considered, had taken bribes, and so ruined the whole matter. And no sooner were these cries heard than people flocked to them from all parts of the city, so that the number of the rioters rapidly increased to more than a hundred thousand men, all inflamed with zeal for Christianity. In alarm at so vast a mob, the whole city was troubled, the shops were shut, the silversmiths' workshops closed, and Jews, Samaritans, and heretics of all kinds rushed from every quarter, and mingled themselves in the crowd, ready both to set the city on fire, and steal whatever came to hand. Meanwhile the Christians were hurrying under great excitement to the cathedral in the hope of seizing the bishop, uttering by the way many scandalous reproaches at his conduct, such as are not fit for us to record; accusing him of taking side with the heathens, and supposing, because of the rumours of heathenism current against the bishops of Antioch and Alexandria, that he had used his utmost exertions to screen them from trial, and so brought the matter to an end: and therefore they threatened him with death. But |217 on reaching his palace, they found it shut on every side, and some of the mob, therefore, were ready to burn it: but there stood a church within the precincts, which stayed their rage, though the Jews and heretics, as they afterwards confessed before the prefect of the city, were ready to burn the church as well. An official of the patriarch's court now came out to address them, but they threw him down, and gave him a bitter time. And next they all ran to the hall of Placidia where the trials were carried on: uttering reproaches against the judges and patricians and magistrates and recorders and jurists, who formed the court, and threatening them with destruction. Upon arriving there, they burst open the doors and windows, and broke to pieces the benches and the cells, and forced an entrance into the great hall, and made search every where for heathens. One of the cells into which they broke belonged to the treasury, and was full of talents of gold; but on seeing them they immediately turned away: and the sentinel, wishing to appease their violence, and supposing that they would immediately begin to plunder, said, 'Sirs, make no tumult; if you wish for gold, see, here is plenty.' But, as with one mouth, the whole multitude called out, 'We are no thieves : we are Christians, and assembled in Christ's cause, to avenge the wrongs of Christianity upon the heathen. Keep your gold for yourself; we touch it not.' Rushing on, they destroyed every thing in their way, even some pictures which they |218 found, and pulled down all they could, and broke it, and finally they found two heathens in prison, a man and a woman, with whom they hurried off to the shore of the sea, where they seized a boat, and having laid hands on the public executioner, commanded him to set it on fire. But when he refused, being afraid of the prefect of the city, they put them on board, and threw fire in, and flung the executioner in with them, but he managed to leap overboard into the sea, and though much burnt, escaped with his life: but the other two were consumed and sunk in the sea 19. And next the mob, whose numbers were now incredible, ran to the prisons, and broke open the doors, and set the prisoners free, calling out, 'Ye let heathens go: why keep ye Christians in prison?' And thence they ran to the praetor's government-house, and broke open the doors, and having entered the chambers and record offices, in which all processes against Christians are deposited, they abstracted the papers, and cut them up and threw them about, and set those who were imprisoned there free. . Their next object of attack was the dwelling of the prefect of the city, whither they proceeded with tumultuous and violent cries of 'Out with the heathens' bones:' |219 and he, though it was universally said that he was a heathen himself, joined heartily in their shouts, saying, 'Out with the heathens' bones: Christianity for ever: your zeal is beautiful: and see! I join you in your cries: and ye know that I was not one of the judges of the heathen; they would not trust me, and no heathen has been judged in my court: make, therefore, no tumult.' And with these words he restrained their impetuosity, so that they did not lay hands upon him as they had intended, and burn down his court. They cried out, however, that he must accompany them immediately to Tiberius' palace in the suburb; and he was far too terrified to refuse : and calling hastily for a boat, he started in the utmost confusion, without even waiting to put on the insignia of his office, being solely intent upon making his escape from the violence of so countless a mob. He started, therefore, in haste to the king; and while informing him of what was going on, suddenly more than twenty thousand rioters appeared, who had determined to come in person, and arrived at the very time when he was speaking, uttering various cries, and moreover asking why the inquisition after the heathen was perverted, and hushed up; and why bribery was permitted to overbear the truth. And after uttering these cries against the heathens, they began to shout and revile the Arians, having a different object in view; and the whole palace was thereby thrown into confusion, and things were said |220 unfit to be recorded in writing. Finally, the king sent them a message as follows: 'Make no tumult, but return to the city, and we will immediately return there ourselves, and do what you wish ; nor will we neglect the matter.' And so the mob was quieted, and the fierceness of their rage appeased, and they returned to the city, and the riot ceased, as they waited for the arrival of the king, and the fulfilment of his promise.

[III. 32.] Upon their departure, the king gave orders to collect a considerable force of armed men, that in case there was any disturbance, he might take military measures for its suppression, and with them entered the city. His first act was to give an equestrian entertainment in the Hippodrome; but when the people assembled, they began to utter cries of various kinds, until he sent and bade them be quiet and peaceable: 'for you know,' he said, 'that every man shall be recompensed according to his deeds.' And upon this all tumult and confusion ceased. Immediately upon his arrival he had dismissed the prefect Sebastian from his office, and appointed in his stead one Julian 20, to whom he now gave orders to arrest such as were known to have taken part in the tumult, and put them to the torture, and find out who the rest were. On commencing his interrogatories. Julian found out that many of them were |221 Jews, and some Samaritans, and some Manichees, and the like; and being a sensible man, he had these arrested, lest he should stir up a war against himself, by rousing the zeal of the Christians: and examining them with the scourge, he asked them, saying, 'Though the Christians are carried away with zeal for the welfare of Christianity, what right have you Jews, who are a set of murderers and misbelieving heretics, to take part in the riot, and mix yourselves up with them?' And they all confessed, that seeing a great crowd, they had entered among them, in the hope that something might come to them in the way of plunder: and as they further confessed, they were ready to burn the churches, imagining that the Christians would be arrested, and put to the torture for it, while they would pass unrecognised. They acknowledged also other crimes under the scourge; and some therefore he condemned to be crucified, and some to be put to death, and some he sent into banishment. And in this way no Christian could complain, or say that anybody was treated unjustly. But next he arrested some of the Christians, whom, however, he treated with the greatest clemency: and when they took them round the city to inspire others with fear, lest men should notice that there were no marks of the scourge on their sides, he gave orders for them to be rubbed with vermilion, that their loins might look red as if marked with the lash: and this especially was done in the case of young lads, of whom many |222 were found to have taken part in the uproar, and some of whom even laughed when riding in the cars, and taken in procession round the city. At length there was a man arrested, and brought before the prefect, who said to him, 'Who and what are you?' He answered, 'A Christian and a storekeeper.' 'If you are a storekeeper,' said the prefect, 'what business had you to take part in the riot? why did you not remain in your shop, and keep quiet? We give orders therefore for you to be scourged.' But as they were carrying him away to scourge him, he cried out, 'By the head and life of the king, if I am to be scourged for Christ's sake, do not inflict upon me only lashes and the scourge, but after this, by the life of king Tiberius, off with my head!' And when the prefect heard this, he was agitated, and said, 'This man wishes for martyrdom at my hands. Am I then such a Trajan? Loose him, and let him go.' And so he let him depart without receiving a single blow. And proceeding to the king, he persuaded him to grant an indulgence or amnesty to the Christians, and command that no more should be arrested for their past riotous proceedings. And upon this the merciful king granted a pardon, and all arrests ceased.

[III.33] After all these things, his serene majesty Tiberius, with a view of shewing that he neither had nor would neglect any thing that was useful for the service of God, gave orders to all magistrates and senators to assemble together, in |223 company with all men of patrician rank, and the subconsuls, and those who bear the title of 'illustrious,' and the suhprefects of the city, and all members of the senate. The place appointed for their meeting was the prefect's court, and all the depositions relating to the heathen were to be read before them, both of cases in the east and in the west; and whosoever was not present he gave orders that his girdle should be cut, and he should lose his office. In obedience to so strict a commandment they all met, and sat the whole day from morning till night fasting, and anxious; and upon the depositions being read, their first sentence was to condemn to death him of whom we have spoken before, Anatolius, the governor and proprefect of Edessa. And accordingly he was first tortured, and then cast to the wild beasts, and after being cruelly lacerated by them, he was torn from their claws, and fixed to a cross. But the other, named Theodore, who had been his yokefellow, and with him had served devils, according to all the works of heathenism, after suffering long and cruel tortures, and confessing much, was reserved for fresh tortures, and a fuller examination. For this purpose he was sent back to the prison attached to the praetor's court, and there during the night he died; or rather, as many thought, he killed himself, because the sentence of death was certain to be pronounced against him. And as he had offered sacrifice to devils after being baptized, sentence was still given against him, |224 though dead, that his body should be burned. But as the natural feelings of humanity revolted at this, and many objected, the sentence was withdrawn, and he was ordered to be buried with the burial of an ass, and accordingly was dragged out of the city, and cast into a ditch. His execution was in addition to those two, a man and a woman, whom the mob burned; but that man was the son of this Theodore: and thus then they perished, and many more besides, already lying in prison, and whom they next proceeded to examine by torture: and others there were in Syria and Asia, and elsewhere, after whom they sent emissaries, with orders to arrest them, and bring them to the capital.

[III.34] Upon this, fresh names began to pour in, and every day new arrests were made, and more and more Involved in danger, until the prisons were all full: and even many of the clergy officiating in the churches were informed against, and convicted of many heathenish crimes, and the sentence pronounced upon them was, that they should be cast to the wild beasts, and their bodies burnt with fire. And so they received here the punishment which they deserved; and hereafter the dread Judge of righteousness alone knoweth what their sentence will be. And of the common people so many were named and arrested, that the judges appointed to examine them were unequal to the task, and finally their sittings were no longer held in the court of the |225 prefect of the city, who himself had the reputation of entertaining heathen views, but were removed to the praetor's court, and subsequently to the public hall, and there the judges sat and gave sentence, until the death of king Tiberius. And when Maurice was established in his stead, he was conspicuous for the same zeal, and gave orders that all should be sought out and tried, who professed to be Christians, but really were guilty of idolatry. And so every day they were tried, and received the just reward of their deeds, both here and hereafter.

[V.17] The case of Gregory of Antioch was long deferred ; for though the people of his city were all excited against him, and filled the streets with shouts of 'To the fire with this man: let the city have a Christian patriarch;' and the like; yet because many great and notable men were involved in the affair, it was hushed up, and put aside, and he remained in his see a stumbling-block to all the people. But after a time he made up his mind to present himself before the king, and prepared a great quantity of gold and silver, and numerous costly dresses of every kind, and such other matters as are useful for presents and gifts of honour, for the leading men in the senate: and in these things alone, it is said, his journey cost him many talents. And when he arrived at the capital, he glutted the whole senate with his presents, and every man and woman of rank; and all the churchmen, who were angry at him because of the rumour of his |226 being a heathen, he quieted and appeased by gifts: as also all the relatives of the patriarch 21, who, on hearing of his arrival, had refused to hold communion with him; and as he was not open to bribes himself, those who were about him were prevailed upon to intercede, and persuade him, until finally he received him, as also did the king, Maurice, and all the senate, and treated him with much respect, and were on his side. And when men generally expected that the process against him would be entered into, and that he would not return to his throne, he was received at court, and having effected all that he desired, was sent away with great honour. And with the view of appeasing and quieting his people, he asked the king's permission to build them a hippodrome ; and not only obtained it, but also the necessary supplies wherewith to erect this church of Satan, in which he himself was ready to be minister and perform all his pleasure, so that, as was said, he even took with him from the capital a troop of pantomimists. And this to many was a cause of laughter and ridicule and mockery, but to others of grief and sadness: for they said, 'Lo! to this man the word of our Lord belongs, which says,[Luke xiv.34] 'If the salt have lost its savour, wherewith shall it be salted?' For having been appointed head of the church of Christ, now, after all the troubles we have passed through, he has publicly shewn himself as the |227 builder and establisher at Antioch of a church of Satan, in the erection of which he has constantly interested himself, and been present, and untiring in his exertions.' For so they said, in contempt and derision of his doings.

This narrative relating to the heathen, and the establishment of the inquisition, by which the last traces of idol worship were violently suppressed, leads our historian to mention one or two facts, more or less directly connected with them. Of these the

[III.35] First is the tragical fate of Eustochius, who had originally been bishop of Jerusalem ; but having distinguished himself by his eager zeal against the heathen, whom he detected in spite of their efforts at concealment, they framed against him charges of their own invention and false accusations; and on his arrival at the capital, being tried before wicked judges, who were themselves heathens in disguise, he was iniquitously deprived of his bishopric. And on being deposed, he did not stoop to wander to and fro to canvass for his restoration, but went at once and obtained a cell in the holy house of Mar Sergius 22, situated near the palace of Hormisdas, and there remained during a period of |228 eighteen years, during which he was regarded by their majesties, and the chamberlains, and the whole senate, both men and women, as a righteous man; and constantly they paid him visits of respect, as being an old man of venerable aspect, and lucid in his conversation and doctrine, and well practised in holy books. It happened, however, in the third year of the sole reign of the victorious king Tiberius, that Satan by night entered the heart of one of his servants, and he took up a silver candlestick that was burning before him, and raised it and struck him, and wounded him on the head. And on his exclaiming, 'Woe,' and saying, 'Why doest thou so, my brother?' he returned and struck him again on the stomach with a spit, and so lacerated him that he died immediately. The lamentations raised by his other servants alarmed the sentinels who were on guard below, and caused them to hurry up to the cell, where they endeavoured to arrest the murderer, but he drew his knife, and stabbed one of them, whereupon another drew his sword, and struck him on the shoulder, and brought him down, and they were then able to overpower him. And immediately there was a general commotion, and men in terror ran together from all quarters, to see this sad and alarming sight: and the news even |229 reached the king, who was in the suburban palace situated in the Hebdomum 23; and at once, without delay, he ordered his retinue to accompany him, and came to the city; and when he saw that he was dead, he lamented and wept like a woman for the husband of her youth, as also did the bystanders at a sight so full of horror. And the king commanded the murderer to be given over to the prefect of the city, that he might die by an ignominious and painful death; and then immediately withdrew. The servant, therefore, was cast to the wild beasts, and after being lacerated and torn, his hands were cut off and then his feet: and his trunk, with the hands and feet, were then put into a boat, which was set on fire and floated out to sea till it sunk. And so he received the requital of his deeds, and that which is written was fulfilled in him, 'Woe to the wicked, the evil one: for that which his hands have done shall be requited him.' [Is. iii. 11.]

[III.36] The second subject mentioned in connection with the heathen is John the Superintendant's mission to them in Asia, and especially the building of the great monastery in the |230 mountains near Tralles, which was both the commencement and the crowning proof of his success. He was appointed teacher of the heathen in Justinian's time in the four provinces of Asia 24, Caria, Phrygia, and Lydia; and began his labours in the mountains which overhang Tralles, in the territory of which city alone he converted many thousands from the error of idol worship, and built for their use twenty-four churches, and four monasteries, all of which were entirely new. Of these the principal was erected upon the site of a famous idol temple built high up among the mountains, at a village called Derira, and as he had often been told by the older inhabitants, in the days of its prosperity no less than fifteen hundred temples, situated in the neighbouring provinces, were subject to its authority, and every year, at a vast assembly held there, the regulations were fixed for the ensuing twelvemonth, and the order of the ministrations settled for the use of both priests and people. John, therefore, being directed by a divine mission, made this temple the first object of his attack, and having levelled it to its very foundations, he built this chief monastery, to which he gave the same name as the idol temple had held, on a strong site upon a lofty mountain in the centre of the new churches : and subsequently he erected the three other monasteries, one of which was situated still higher up among the mountains, |231 and two in the valleys below; but all alike were subject to the authority of the monastery of Derira. And this, as the chief, he built very strongly, and of great extent, from ample funds supplied him by king Justinian, who also bore the expence of the other monasteries and churches. The king, moreover, published three imperial edicts, by which the chief monastery was invested with authority over the others, and also over the new churches, with power to visit and teach them, and take oversight of them, and settle their observances. But from the very first Satan had looked with an evil eye upon this monastery, and raised up against it many trials and strong opposition from all quarters. For the devils who used to dwell there in times past, and fatten upon the blood of the sacrifices offered them, upon which they would settle in swarms like flies upon putrid ulcers, openly showed themselves, and contended with the builders. And when it was first begun they even went so far as to lay hold upon one of the masons who was in holy orders, and lifted him up in the air, and threw him down upon a rock below, from which he was dashed to one even more precipitous still further down; while John and the other builders gazed in horror as they watched him fly along, and fall head foremost on his face, and roll down from cliff to cliff, till finally his fall was stopped by a rock in the river, which was not less than a thousand cubits below the place whence he was thrown. And as |232 they watched his descent, and cried 'Kyrie eleison,' they felt sure that his brains must be beaten out, and scattered upon the rocks against which he was dashed, and that he would be torn limb from limb. They ran, therefore, with loud lamentations to gather up though it were only the fragments of his bones, and give them burial: but on reaching the spot they found him whole, and in a sitting posture, and looking at them. And when they saw him alive, they were astonished and full of joy, and gave thanks unto God, who had saved him from a bitter death by the machinations of these pestilent devils: nor had Christ permitted him to receive even a single bruise, or any other injury except the loss of some skin upon his face. And all who saw and heard it were in astonishment at the miracle which had been wrought by our Lord Jesus Christ.

[III.37] The year after the monastery of Derira was finished, which was the sixth year from its commencement, the bishop of Tralles was stirred up by envy against it, and swore, saying, 'I will make that monastery of Derira part of the endowment of my church, and will spend there all the hot summer season.' For even before he had a quarrel against John, and now started to thwart him at the court of Justinian. And on arriving there, he told him of the monastery, and prayed him to give orders that it might be made subject to his authority and rule, and that John might not have access to it. But the king said, |233 'I have not entered either your church or city without Christ's blessing, nor could I have effected what I have done unless the management and government had been intrusted to John : for you could not possibly have administered the church which you have just now unjustly claimed. What you want is to seize upon a monastery which belongs to me, and which was built with my knowledge and at my command.' And then he commanded him not to quit the capital until after John's arrival. After a time, then, John came, and the king informed him of all that had been said to him by the bishop, and of his own reply, and further gave orders that John should go in person, and himself administer the affairs of the church of Tralles and of the bishop's own hospice there, and that the bishop should have no power to do anything whatsoever without first receiving his orders from John. And other trials too there were and difficulties, which Satan raised up against this monastery, and the twenty-four new churches which John had erected in its vicinity for the service of the heathen whom he had baptized and made Christians in the mountainous districts of the city of Tralles: but God in His mercy brought to nought all the envy of the evil one, and established them unto the glory of His name, so that they continue to flourish unto this day.

[III.38] Eutychius enjoyed the patriarchate after his restoration for a period of four years and a half; |234 and while full of threats of death against the orthodox party, and menacing them with terrible oaths, and saying, 'I will not leave one of them in this city, or in its suburbs, or in any other town in my diocese;' in the midst of his raging and threatening, his end suddenly overtook him, and he descended into his grave, and on that day all his imaginations perished, and came to an end, and all his threats and denunciations ceased. His errors in doctrine were numerous, as he both explained away the resurrection of the dead, and warred against the words, 'Thou That wast crucified for us:' and much more there was which ought to be inserted in the record of him, but which we from their length must entirely omit.

[III.39] Scarcely was Eutychius dead, upon the fifth day of the month Nisan, or April, before John the deacon was seized upon, that they might raise him to the vacant see. He had been pursebearer of John of Sirmin, the predecessor of Eutychius; but after his death, had constantly dwelt in his cell in the great church as a Nazarite 25, and devoted himself to fasting and vigils. Him they now seized upon, but he would not even so much as hear the bare proposal of being raised to this princely dignity. On his refusal, king Tiberius gave orders that he should be brought by main |235 force to the palace, and there kept under close guard, while both he himself and the whole senate pressed upon him the acceptance of the patriarchate, and finally, with great difficulty, prevailed over his scruples. But he protested, saying, 'I cannot alter or break my rule, and until three o'clock in the afternoon I can give no one audience.' And, in short, after many discussions, he was finally elected, and they say that he made it his rule never to admit any one until three o'clock, according to his former custom : and men wondered thereat, for, as was said, he lay the whole day upon his face and prayed, being reduced to a state of great infirmity, and as dry as a stick.

The hangers on, meanwhile, of the patriarchal court, who had been accustomed in the days of Eutychius, under pretext of the faith, to fall like so many robbers upon orthodox and heretics alike, and plunder them of their goods, began, according to their wont, to beg of him to grant them his permission, as his predecessor had done, to enter into men's houses, and plunder them, and drag them off, and shut them up in prison. But he, on hearing their request, gaid, 'Depart, and sit quiet: for I will not permit you to go and fall upon men, and plunder them, whereby God and His holy church are blasphemed.' And on their saying, 'Eutychius so commanded us;' he replied, 'My orders are, that there be peace and quiet in my days. But if you make Eutychius your pretext, go to him for orders; and if |236 he bids you, you shall do it.' And much more is recorded of him that is admirable, but we, from want of space, can admit but little into our narrative.

[II.40] For the affairs of the empire also claim our attention, and especially what happened to Mondir, the son of Harith 26, king of the Tayan Arabs, and of the accusation brought against him. For when Maurice was in the East, as commander of the forces, with the title of count, a convention was made with Mondir, king of the Arabs, that they should simultaneously invade the territory of the Persians. Accordingly they made a march of several days in company; but on arriving opposite Mesopotamia, in which country the capital of the Persian king is situated, they found the bridge destroyed, over which they had expected to pass in order to capture the city. And this led to a quarrel between them, because Maurice imagined that Mondir had given information to the Persians, upon receipt of which they had broken up the bridge. They returned, therefore, having accomplished nothing, but with feelings of mutual animosity and dislike: and both wrote |237 to king Tiberius, complaining of the other's conduct, and he in vain used his utmost efforts to reconcile them. When, however, soon afterwards Maurice returned to the capital, he wickedly and harshly brought accusations against king Mondir; on hearing which the king was filled with extreme indignation, and planned how best he could lay a trap for him, and cause him to be arrested, and brought to Constantinople. A means soon offered itself, in the presence at the capital of a Syrian curator, named Magnus, who was the friend and patron of Mondir, and on whom he depended to make his defence before the king: but wishing to curry favour with Tiberius, he said, 'If you give me your command, I will bring him here in chains.' At this proposal the king was pleased, and gave him the wished-for commission; upon the receipt of which he proceeded to the East, to a town named Churin, which he had himself founded, and surrounded with a wall, and erected in it a church, the consecration of which he made his pretext for paying the town this visit: and he took the patriarch of Antioch with him, that he might the better deceive Mondir, and prevail upon him to come. On arriving there, he sent a message to Mondir, saying, 'I have come hither for the consecration of this church, and had it not been for my being tired with the journey, I should have gone and paid my respects to you. But as I wish to see how you do, I beg of you at once to pay me a visit: but do not bring a large |238 escort, for I wish you to stay with me several days, that we may enjoy one another's company; and as I should not wish you to be put to great expence by coming with a large army, I pray you bring only a few with you.'

[III.41] On receiving this missive, Mondir was greatly pleased; and having the fullest confidence in Magnus, as his dear friend, he set out immediately without delay, attended by a very small escort, not having the slightest suspicion that any danger could befall him at his hands. And Magnus, anxious to conceal his wicked schemes, received him with a show of friendship, and gave orders for a great banquet to be prepared. He then said, 'Send away these people who have come with you.' But he replied, I have come, as you requested me, with but a small escort; but on my return, I cannot travel without having an armed force with me, even if it be but a small one.' But he pressed the point, and said, 'Send them away; and when you return, you can send for them, and they will come for you.' And as Mondir was a man of considerable experience, the matter did not please him, and he began to be suspicious, and sent orders to his escort to remove but a slight distance from him, and await his coming. On their dismissal, Magnus gave directions to the troops whom he had secretly with him, to hold themselves in readiness, and the general he commanded to remain in his company. And when evening arrived, he said to Mondir, 'My lord Patrician, you have |239 been accused before the king, and he has given orders for you to go to the capital, and make your defence there, and prove to him that nothing that is said against you is true.' But Mondir replied, 'After all the services which I have rendered the king, I do not think it right that accusations should be listened to against me. For I am one of the king's vassals, nor do I refuse to go and appear before him : but I cannot possibly at this time break up my army; for if I do, the Arabs, who hold allegiance to the Persians, will come, and take my wives and children prisoners, and carry off all that I have.' But at this moment the Roman troops appeared in arms; and Magnus angrily said to him, 'If you will not go of your own accord, I will throw you into chains, and mount you on an ass, and so send you.' And when now the fraud was plain, and he saw that his friend had stripped him of his escort, and made him a prisoner, and delivered him up to a Roman army to guard him, he was distressed and broken hearted, like a lion of the wilderness shut up in a cage. And when his escort heard what had happened, they surrounded the fort, and prepared to set it on fire: but when the Romans shewed themselves, and made ready for battle, they withdrew; and Mondir, accompanied by a strong guard, was removed from the fort, and arrived in safety at the capital. And on reaching it, the king gave orders that he should have the same dwelling set apart for his use, as on the previous occasion when he was at |240 Constantinople, and an income assigned him: and so he remained there without being admitted to an audience, but had with him one wife, two sons, and a daughter.

[III.42] At home Mondir had left four sons, the eldest of whom, named Noman, was a man of even greater intelligence, and more warlike spirit than his father; and with his brothers he assembled his forces, and fell upon Magnus' fort, who had, however, himself returned to the capital; and, excepting the people whom they either took captive or slew, and what they burnt, everything else they plundered and carried away, gold and silver, and brass and iron, dresses of wool and cotton; corn, wine, and oil; troops of baggage animals of all kinds, whatever fell into their hands, and herds of oxen, and all their flocks of sheep and goats. And from thence the hosts of the Arabs overran and plundered the whole country of Arabia and Syria, and the neighbouring regions, and gathered immense wealth and booty without end: and retiring into the heart of the desert, they there pitched their tents in great numbers, and divided the spoil, being constantly on their guard and ready for war, and on the watch on all sides. And then sallying out again, they plundered and spoiled, and withdrew into the desert, until the whole country of the East to the shores of the Mediterranean was in terror at them, and fled for refuge to the cities, and did not dare show themselves before them. And when the princes of the land, and the |241 commanders of the Roman troops sent to them, saying, 'Why do ye all these evils?' they sent back the question, 'Why did your king lead our father into captivity, after all the labours, and victories, and feats of valour which he had bravely wrought for him, and has also cut off our supplies of corn, so that we have not the means of living ? This is the reason why we are compelled to do these things, and you ought to be well contented that we do not kill you, and destroy everything with fire.' And finally, they went against the city of Bostra, and blockaded it, and said, 'Surrender to us our father's armour, and all the other royal property which we deposited with you: and if not, we will root up and burn and slay everything which we can both in your city and your land.' And when the commandant, who was a man of note and fame, heard these things, he was very angry, and gathered his troops together, and sallied out, despising them as roving Arabs: and they set themselves in array against him, and overpowered and slew both him and large numbers of his men. And when the citizens saw it, they were terrified, and sent out to them, begging them to desist from pillage, and we, said they, will give up what belongs to you, and take it in peace. And so they brought out to them their father's property, upon the receipt of which they retired to their encampment in the desert; but still for a long time they continued to spoil and plunder all the country round about.

[III.43] When the news reached Tiberius of the active |242 vengeance of the sons of Mondir, he was greatly annoyed, and gave Magnus orders to proceed immediately to the East, and use his endeavours to place a brother of Mondir upon the throne of the Arabs in the stead of their rightful chief: and if farther he could get Mondir's sons into his power, whether by fraud, or by blandishments and flatteries, or by war, he was to seize them. And to support him in these measures, the civil and military governors of the cities in the East received orders to accompany him with a large force. He entered therefore upon his mission with great pomp, and was so far successful as to make Mondir's brother king; but ten days after death overtook him, and deprived him of the power of committing any further frauds.

The unfortunate loss of thirteen chapters of the manuscript leaves us in ignorance of the manner of his death, and of the subsequent fortunes of Mondir, except so far as we can gather them from the headings prefixed to the third book. We learn there, that three other chapters were occupied with Mondir's history, giving an account of his imprisonment, and his being finally sent into exile into a distant country, whither he was accompanied by one of his chiefs named Sergius, a believer; and that his son Noman subsequently came to the capital, but for what reason is not stated. We further learn, that the orthodox enjoyed a time of peace and quiet after the death of Eutychius; but in common with all the people |243 of the capital, suffered first from a famine, which unexpectedly visited the city, and subsequently from a terrible mortality, which was especially fatal to children. These lost chapters also contained an account of the death of Tiberius 27, and of his plan for bringing about the unity of the church : and further mention the hostility of his wife to the orthodox, ascribed to her want of knowledge of the true nature of their doctrines. A chapter is also devoted to the three queens, who, after Tiberius' death, all inhabited the same palace. Further, there was an account of John the Faster, who succeeded Eutychius as patriarch, and of the gentleness of his character, and great liberality: and, finally, of his endeavours to suppress the heathens. The first five chapters of the fourth book are also lost: and as the table of contents has perished with them, we are left in entire ignorance of their nature. |244 


THE interest taken by our author in Mondir, son of Harith, arose chiefly from his being a Monophysite, and not only did the oppressed members of the party find a hospitable retreat at his court, but his services were always ready to intercede in their behalf. As, however, his statement differs considerably from the conclusions of M. Caussin de Perceval, it is necessary to enter at some little length into the history of the Arab courts of Hirah and Ghassan.

The Arabs of Syria and Mesopotamia played, during the fifth and sixth centuries, a very important part in the constant wars between the rival empires of Persia and Rome. Their religious differences, however, divided them into two parties, which the diplomacy of the Greek emperors managed generally to engage in mutual feuds. Of these two divisions, the more powerful family of Hirah followed the fortunes of Persia, while the Ghassanide princes combatted on behalf of Rome.

According to the Arabic authorities of M. Caussin de Perceval it was Mondir IV, son of Mondir III, who in 576 went to Rome, and agreed to join his arms with Maurice to oppose his former suzerain Khosrun Nushirwan, whose power had been broken at the battle of Melitene. In 580 he returned loaded with presents by Tiberius, and joined Maurice, who had passed the Euphrates at Circesium, and intended to strike the Persian capital, Ctesiphon, itself. His course lay through the deserts of Mesopotamia, inhabited by warlike tribes, more or less in subjection to Mondir; |245 but the latter had changed his mind, and sending a fleet courier to Hormizdas, the son of Khosrun, informed him of the designed attack : and was confirmed as his reward in the kingdom of Hirah in opposition to his brothers.

According to the Arabic authorities he was killed shortly afterwards at Ayn Obagh by the Ghassanide Arabs; but the Greek writers assert that he was only taken prisoner there and sent to Constantinople, whence he was banished by Maurice to Sicily. Of the treason employed by Magnus no record is found in either Greek or Arabic writers.

In the account of M. de Perceval, Mondir was succeeded by a son of that name, whose fortunes occupy a considerable space in the narratives of Arabic historians : whereas John of Ephesus says that Magnus succeeded in placing, not his son Noman, but a brother of Mondir upon the vacant throne. Before settling the question between the two authorities, it may be expedient to give some account of the two dynasties.

The word Hirah signifies a Camp, and its origin is ascribed to a Himyarite king, who left a division of his forces encamped there while pushing his conquests in central Asia. It was situated about three miles from the site subsequently occupied by Cufa; and it seems probable that a branch of the Euphrates flowed near it, while in its rear was the desert. Its date is of uncertain antiquity, but it certainly existed in A. D. 205, as it was then conquered by the Arsacide Sapor, i. e. Schah-pour, 'the king's son.'

Its prosperity, however, commenced about A. D. 272, when, upon the fall of Zenobia, the Arabs of Hirah contrived to reduce under their dominion several of the tribes of Mesopotamia who had previously obeyed her. And we still find in John's history the Mesopotamian Arabs obeying the princes of Hirah, as vassals of the Persian king.

Christianity probably was soon partially received there, but it made no rapid progress until the reign of Noman. In his time, about A. D. 410, the fame of Simon Stylites caused numerous Arabs to wander to his pillar in Syria, and Noman, fearing they might be won over to the Roman side, forbade these pilgrimages. |246 The saint, however, attended by two acolytes, appeared to him in a dream, rebuked him severely, and ordered the acolytes to scourge him. The dream was so vivid, that upon awaking in the morning he found himself covered with the marks of their blows, and being thus divinely warned, he revoked the edict, and gave free permission to the Christians to build churches, and perform the rites of worship in his dominions.

Cosmas, who details this story (Ass. B. O. i. 247), says that he had it from a Roman governor Antiochus, who was told it by Noman himself, when the latter, in a time of peace, being near Damascus, invited Antiochus to dine with him ; and after many inquiries concerning Simon Stylites, informed him at length of the reason which prompted his curiosity.

It is further added, that he became himself a Christian ; and this is confirmed by the story told by Arabic writers, that when walking one day on the roof of his palace admiring the splendour of his city, and the beauty of the neighbouring country, the thought that he must soon abandon it to another, struck him so forcibly with the uncertainty of all human things, that he descended, changed his garments, and retired into the desert, where he spent the remainder of his life in meditation.

The most powerful monarch of Hirah was Mondir III, father of the supposed false ally of Maurice. Of him M. Perceval gives abundant proof that he was not a Christian, and that Christianity had really made very little progress among his people ; and the same would follow from his constant wars with the Romans. During a reign of nearly fifty years the life of this prince was spent in ceaseless battle. Restless and indefatigable, at one time falling suddenly upon his personal enemies, at another ravaging the Roman territories far and wide, he did not even fear to give battle to Belisarius, and came off undefeated. In Theophanes he appears as the 'Alamou&ndaroj who ransacked the suburbs of Antioch, and penetrated to Chalcedon; and his advice to the Persian monarch, after the defeat of Dara, was to leave Mesopotamia and the military confines alone, and strike at the peaceful centres of the Roman dominions. His whole life and character is a picture of that Arab activity, already forecasting the empire of the world, |247 and destined so soon to gain the ascendant over the two exhausted kingdoms of Persia and Rome.

It excites no wonder that Justinian bought peace of such a chieftain at the price of an annual subsidy. But the death of his son Amru, (whose murder by a poet of the same name, for an insult to his mother, forms so celebrated a subject in Arabic literature,) led to family feuds : and the rapid succession of Noman IV, Cabus, and finally of the Mondir, to whom M. de Perceval assigns the treachery complained of so bitterly by Maurice, weakened the power of Hirah ; and, after becoming a Persian satrapy, it finally fell before the arms of Khalid, general of the Caliph Abu-becr, and was merged in the empire of Islam.

Except Mondir IV, the princes of Hirah were the constant enemies of Rome : but the case is far different with the Ghassanides. Of their origin little is known, but about the time of Constantine they embraced Christianity, and became therefore the allies of Rome. One, however, of their sovereigns, the queen Mawia, broke the alliance, and fought so successfully against her former friends, that Valens, circa A. D. 377, was obliged to sue for peace : upon which she assisted him bravely against the Goths. Their history henceforward is without interest until the time of Harith (Aretas), whose son Mondir is the prince spoken of by our author.

Harith reigned from A. D. 530 to A. D. 572, and is the person described by the Byzantine historians as Aretas, king of the Christian Arabs. In Asseman's Bibl. Or. his name frequently occurs, and, as in our author, in connection with Sergius and Paul, the two first Jacobite patriarchs. In spite of his Mono-physite creed, Justinian honoured him with the titles of patrician and king, on account of his valuable services to the Roman empire in holding the kings of Hirah in check. His troops fought under Belisarius at the battle of Callinicus against Mondir III, and soon after he endeavoured single handed to avenge the Roman general's check, but was so utterly defeated that Justinian had to interfere to save him from ruin. Again, in 541, he joined Belisarius in an invasion of Persia, but the plundering propensities of his men ruined the whole expedition. In spite |248 of the disgrace into which he fell at Rome on this account, he nevertheless gradually increased in power, and earned among the Arabs the title of 'the Magnificent:' and in 562 we find him in person at Constantinople, to obtain from the Roman emperor, Justinian, the confirmation of his son in his dominions ; and the title given him by Theophanes, who records his visit, is, 'Are/taj o( patri/kioj kai\ fu&larxoj tw~n Sarakh&nwn. Really it is his son Mondir, and not Mondir of Hirah, to whom our author so frequently refers in his narrative.

The last king of Ghassan, Jabala, after a defeat, embraced Islamism, and submitted to the caliph Omar in A. D. 637.

Now it is exceedingly probable that M. de Perceval may have interchanged the two Mondirs, as his Arabic authorities are so confused that it is scarcely possible to draw out of them a connected narrative : and besides, they are many centuries subsequent to the times of which they write. The arms of Islam had obliterated all traces of the kingdoms of Hirah and Ghassan, and powerful cities had grown up on their sites hundreds of years before the princely Abbassides called forth a crowd of Arabic writers to chronicle the past exploits of their race : and of these, most felt no interest in any thing which occurred before the birth of the prophet. While in his Greek authorities there is nothing to decide which Mondir it was who was banished to Sicily.

But it is quite incredible that John of Ephesus, a contemporary writer, could have confounded the two chiefs. For he was the personal friend of the man of whom he wrote, and looked up to him as the hereditary patron of his party in the East. He had returned moreover to Constantinople from his banishment two years before Mondir's departure from that city upon his first visit, and narrates his efforts to reconcile the Monophysites. themselves, rent into parties by the quarrel between the patriarch Paul, and Jacob Zanzalus : and also his intercession with Tiberius in their behalf, and his successful attempt to put an end to the persecution of his friends by Eutychius, and the bishops in the East. He was too at Constantinople when his friend was brought there as a prisoner, and |249 probably had his account from one of his suite. Moreover, the very plea on which Magnus allured him into his power, namely, the consecration of a church, shows that he was a Christian, whereas Mondir IV. of Hirah was a heathen : nor would he have fallen so unsuspiciously into the hands of the Romans, as for centuries his family had been at war with them, and consequently had neither friends nor patrons there, nor any such intimacy as lulled the other Mondir's fears. And besides, John says that Magnus succeeded in placing Mondir's brother upon the throne, in the place of Noman his son : and accordingly M. de Perceval makes Mondir, son of Harith, to be succeeded by hia brother Jabala, whereas Mondir of Hirah was succeeded by his son Noman. John's narrative further explains also the unaccountable disappearance of Mondir, son of Harith, from the Arabic histories, whereas Mondir of Hirah was slain, they say, at Ayn Obagh.

And, in short, if, as Dr. Land thinks, John of Ephesus really confounded the two Mondirs, and describes a heathen as allured to the consecration of a church, and the pleasure of meeting the patriarch of Antioch, and tells moreover a story, every part of which is applicable to the Ghassanide Prince, and no part to the Lakhmite at Hirah, he will have been guilty, not merely of stupidity, but of an amount of wilful misrepresentation and invention, which will throw complete discredit upon every part of his history.

[Footnotes have been renumbered and placed here at the end]

1. b Literally, Chorth the son of Gabolo, that is, Harith the son of Jabal, a common name at this time aniong the princes of the Arabian kingdom of Hirah.

2. c The final disaster which rendered the appointment of a Caesar indispensable was the capture of Dara by Khosrun, and as a necessary consequence the devastation of all the provinces of the East up to the walls of Antioch : of which an account is subsequently given in the sixth book. Khosrun is said to have returned from this expedition with a quarter of a million of Christian captives.

3. d Literally, ' bellowed like a bull.'

4. e Literally, e0n shmei/oij, arbitrary signs being substituted for words according to the method of stenography existing in those days.

5. f By this action was signified the king's consent to the operation, so that if he died under it, they would not be punished.

6. g I imagine this to be the place mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus, in his work, 'De Urbibus,' who says, 1Esti kai\ Dafnou&dion pro_j tw~| (Rhyi/w| plhsi/on th~j Qra|kw~n gh~j. It evidently was on the seashore, and therefore cannot be the Daphnudium mentioned by Fabricius, as the seat of a bishopric in Phrygia Salutaris.

The word for civilian is literally pagan: but it had come to bear this interpretation among the jurisconsulti at Constantnople. Similarly in the Acta Martyrii, c. 1. Tarachus, on being asked what was his profession, says, ' I was a soldier; but on becoming a Christian, I chose to be a pagan, i. e. civilian, paganeu&ein h9retisa&mhn. Tiberius originally was a notary; but rose subsequently to the high office of Comes Excubitorum, and so paved the way to his adoption by Justin.

7. h The account in Theophanes, though full of inaccuracies, confirms generally the narrative here given. He says, that when Tiberius had been crowned, on entering the Ludi Circenses, the populace demanded an Augusta : upon which Tiberius rose, and said, there was an empress already, whose name was the same as that of a church he pointed out : and thereupon the populace shouted Anastasia. This name apparently she afterwards bore, as Tiberius did that of Constantine. Theophanes describes the consternation of Sophia upon the news as extreme; for hitherto she had had no idea that Tiberius was married, and still less that he had two daughters. But plainly Sophia knew of his marriage soon after he became Caesar, but hoped to prevail upon him to put his wife away. In the Remains of Theodosius of Melitene, just edited by Tafel, (Munich, 1859, p. 95), a similar account occurs : 'When Tiberius entered the Hippodrome, the factions demanded an Augusta : upon which he rose, and said, that the Augusta had the same name as the church opposite the public baths of Dagistes. Upon this, shouts were raised of 'Long live the empress Anastasia!' But Sophia was grieved in heart; for she intended to marry Tiberius, and remain Augusta : and to her influence with Justin he owed his elevation. Tiberius subsequently appointed the palace on the Julian port for her residence, and surrounded her with a courtly retinue of chamberlains and officers, and honoured her like a mother.'

8. i The distributing of money and doles of corn, bread, &c. at Constantinople was reduced to a system, and formed a principal means of subsistence with large numbers of the population. Of the various methods practised, three in particular are noticed here : 1. The hypatia, or money scattered among the crowds whenever the emperor appeared in public. It took its name from the consuls (hypati), as it was also expected of them. 2. The Augustaticum, which consisted of more formal presents to the chief officers, and also civilians of the city. And, 3, the Donativum, which was a largess distributed in equal proportions among all the soldiers in the army.

9. k Magistriani.

10. l The Diacrinomeni are explained by Du Gauge, as those who neither entirely accepted the council of Chalcedon, like the Catholics, nor entirely rejected it, like the Eutychians. But plainly this is not correct. The meaning of the term rather is, that they drew a distinction between the doctrine of pope Leo, which they rejected, and that of S. Cyril of Alexandria, to which they adhered; whereas the council of Chalcedon declared, that the two doctrines were in complete unison.

11. m Silk in a manufactured state had long been known to the Romans, but Justinian introduced the worm itself into Europe by the exertions of two monks, who having penetrated into China, and seen the whole process there, were encouraged by him to return and obtain, if possible, some of the eggs. In this they succeeded, and the production of silk soon became general in Greece; but it long continued to bear so high a price, as for a dress to be a fit present for emperors to make.

12. n These a1rtoi politikoi\ have been already mentioned, where John tells us that Eutychius forced from him the right of receiving five loaves, which he had purchased for his monastery for three hundred darics; and as these rights were attached, not to persons, but to buildings, Eutychius, as we shall see, had legal right on his side, if he was justified in confiscating the monastery

at all. The history of these loaves, as given by the Byzantine historians, is as follows : When Constantine the Great and his son Constantius, were doing their best to induce people to settle in their new city, they made regular distributions of corn there, and every person who built a house received orders, in the shape of brazen tallies, for a certain number of loaves at each distribution for ever: and this right went with the house, and as the distributions were very frequent, was a valuable property. The bread was given from certain stairs erected at intervals in the city, and not only had the householder to shew his tally, called calamus, but means were also taken to prevent their improper alienation from the house to which they belonged; and churches and hospitals, by the laws of Justinian, could neither alienate nor pawn them on any pretence whatsoever. So valuable a property was naturally taxed by poor or greedy rulers; and the very last emperor, who made the distribution, Heraclius, had but a short time before he discontinued it altogether, exacted a considerable money payment for each right. Cf. Justiniani Novel. 7. Ecclesise et xenodochia alienare vetantur res immobiles, sive etiam rusticum mancipium, vel panes civiles, &c.; and, for further particulars, Du Fresne's Constant. Christ., p. 158, under Gradus, and his Glossary, under Panis Gradilis. It had this name, because (in the words of Prudentius) it was

. . gradibus dispensus ab altis.

And there were no less than a hundred and seven flights of steps erected in various parts of Constantinople, for the purpose of distributing bread and alms to that splendid city of beggars.

13. o In Du Fresne's Familiae Augustae Byzantinae a coin of Justin's is engraved in p. 70, with a figure such as that described by our author : those of Tiberius, in p. 104, uniformly have the cross.

14. p At first the church depended solely on voluntary offerings, but in the fourth century ample endowments were given by wealthy laymen ; and that the time of the bishops might not be occupied with temporal matters, treasurers, called oeconomi, were appointed to manage the episcopal revenues; and subsequently those of monasteries; and these treasurers naturally became men of importance.

15. q This district of the city was so called because inhabited chiefly by Jews, who followed the trade of braziers. The church of the Virgin situated in it was rebuilt by Justin and Sophia, after having been destroyed by an earthquake, and was famous both for an ancient image of our Lord, which Leo the Iconoclast vainly endeavoured to destroy, and also for possessing a girdle, once worn by the Virgin. Cf. Du Fresne, Const. Christ, lib. iv. p.85.

16. r The name here given to the palace is the Authenticum, as au)qe/thj had now become one of the recognised titles of the Emperor.

17. s An account of these statues is extant also in Cedrenus, who describes them as set up near the harbour subsequently known as the Palace Haven, but then called by the name of Sophia. Theodosius Melitenus also, p. 94, describes their erection upon the Julian port, which Justin, he says, cleaned out, and called by the name of the Empress.

18. t The Zeuxippus was a splendid bath, built by the Emperor Severus, and surrounded by extensive pleasure-grounds, in which were collected the chief treasures of art in Constantinople. Its beauty is the theme of many Byzantine writers, and whole books of epigrams have been written upon the master works of statuary deposited there ; one of which was a statue of the Sun by Zeuxippus himself, whence the bath took its name: but its chief glory was a statue of Homer, sitting, full of thought, his hair and beard rough and neglected, and his hands folded on his breast.

19. u This method of executing criminals was not an uncommon one at Constantinople. Among other instances, we read in Chron. Alex. (p. 870. ed. Raderus)  [Greek]. And subseqquently the murderer of Eustochius was thus put to death, iii. 35.

20. x A word occurs in the original which I am unable to translate, namely, [Syriac]. It reads literally, 'and another who was prefect, [Syriac], whose name was Julian.

21. y The patriarch at this time was John the Faster.

22. z The emperor Justinian was saved in his youth from destruction by the appearance of the two saints Sergius and Bacchus to his predecessor Anastasius, who, in obedience to his holy monitors, spared the youth's life. He, therefore, afterwards erected numerous churches in their honour, and as he long resided in the palace of Hormisdas, and greatly increased its buildings, one of the largest of these edifices was erected within its precincts.

23. a The Hebdomum, also called Campus, was the open plain to the west of the city, and held, in the estimation of the people, the same place which the Campus Martius held at Rome. Heraclius surrounded it with a wall to protect it from the Avars, and made it the fourteenth region of the city. Various unsatisfactory reasons for its name are given in Du Fresne, Const. Christ. 173.

24. b By Asia is signified the district immediately round Ephesus. 

25. c If we may believe Michaelis, these Nazarites were a monkish sect, who took a vow entirely to abstain from bread and wine; and supposed that they kept this vow by having the consecration service of the Eucharist performed over it, by which means it became flesh and blood.

26. d If Caussin de Perceval is right, of which however I am doubtful, John of Ephesus confounds here two Mondirs : it was not Mondir, son of Harith, the Ghassanide ally of Rome, and a Monophysite Christian, who played Maurice false, but Mondir IV, son of Mondir III, the heathen king of Hirah, and a vassal of Persia. As the subject is however too long for a note, I must refer the reader to the Dissertation appended to this book.

27. e Theodosius Melitenus says that he was murdered by means of a dish of early and very fine mulberries which had been poisoned (pefarmagme/na).

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